Madlanga Commission Opens as SAPS Faction Wars Spill Into Public

By Karabo Ngoepe

On September 17, the Madlanga Commission of Inquiry will begin hearings that could redefine the future of South Africa’s most troubled institution: the South African Police Service (SAPS). Retired Constitutional Court Justice Mbuyiseli Madlanga has been tasked with dissecting a toxic mix of nepotism, political interference, and leadership feuds that have paralysed policing at a time when South Africans are most desperate for protection.

At the heart of the hearings lies a bruising power struggle between three of the service’s most powerful men: National Commissioner General Fannie Masemola, Deputy National Commissioner Lieutenant General Shadrack Sibiya and Lieutenant General Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi, the KwaZulu-Natal Provincial Commissioner. Each has been cast as either whistleblower or warlord, depending on who is telling the story.

The crisis unfolds against a backdrop of collapsing public confidence. South Africa has one of the world’s highest murder rates, cash-in-transit heists continue to terrorise the streets, and syndicates from zama-zamas to construction mafias operate with impunity. Gender-based violence remains endemic, yet police stations are under-resourced and overrun.

For communities already reeling, the sight of generals tearing each other apart in factional dogfights has deepened despair. Parliament’s police committee has labelled SAPS “dysfunctional.” Civil society groups warn that when generals wage war in boardrooms, criminals celebrate on the streets.

Appointed in 2022 to restore stability after Khehla Sitole’s acrimonious exit, General Fannie Masemola was meant to be a unifier. A veteran officer with close ties to former minister Bheki Cele, Masemola was seen as a safe pair of hands.

Instead, he faces allegations that his office has become a hub of nepotism and cronyism. Whistleblowers claim:

“Masemola manages upwards, not downwards,” said one retired general. “His focus is keeping politicians happy, not fixing policing.”

Masemola has denied wrongdoing, insisting he has stabilised the service and increased visibility on the ground. But his credibility is now on trial at the commission.

Recently accessed internal documents, statements from whistleblowers within the SAPS, and leaked confidential reports from oversight committees suggest that family ties and questionable decision-making have seeped into the upper echelons of the service, raising uncomfortable questions about governance and accountability. These sources provide a concerning glimpse into the inner workings of the leadership, suggesting a pattern of conduct that could erode public trust.

Several senior officers are accused of bringing close relatives into the service under disputed circumstances. Among them is his daughter-in-law to the National Commissioner (NC), who was reportedly appointed despite concerns over procedure. Allegedly, the standard vetting process, which includes background checks and qualifications verification, was bypassed. Furthermore, the usual competitive interview process was reportedly not followed, raising further questions about the integrity of her appointment.

Masemola’s personal assistant was promoted to Captain after completing only half of the required six-month training programme. Others tied to the Commissioner’s office include his niece and daughter.

The network extends further. The younger sister of his Chief of Staff was initially placed in Masemola’s office before being transferred to Gauteng in September 2025. Another relative was allegedly advised not to change her surname after marriage to avoid exposing the family connection.

Critics argue that such appointments weaken morale, undermining the principle of meritocracy that the SAPS is meant to uphold. “If family connections become the currency of promotion, professionalism takes a back seat,” said one officer, speaking on condition of anonymity.

Concerns extend beyond family placements. Major General Sebola is accused of manipulating recruitment lists for an International Liaison Training Programme. This claim is supported by testimonies from multiple insiders who reported similar instances of interference. Additionally, a review of emails and internal memorandums accessed by our investigative team indicate directives were allegedly issued to alter candidate lists, thus corroborating the allegations. According to insiders, Sebola allegedly instructed Colonel Mamadisha not to contact successful candidates so that the list could be altered.

Sebola’s assignment to head Interpol operations has also drawn scrutiny. A report from the Public Service Commission (PSC) flagged that he lacked substantive policing experience, fuelling criticism that key appointments are being made on loyalty rather than competence.

The controversy deepens with the handling of the LT General Tebello Masikili Makro theft case. A stolen phone from the matter was reportedly traced to a family member. Despite CCTV evidence linking individuals to the incident, the internal investigation was abruptly closed.

However, it remains unclear if the CCTV footage was reviewed by any independent parties to evaluate the thoroughness of the investigation or assess the integrity of the findings.

This lack of clarity raises further questions about the objectivity and transparency of the investigative process.

Observers noted similarities with the case of Officer Khumalo, who was cleared internally while his criminal matter was still active in court. In the Makro case, Sebola was assigned to close the investigation, prompting concerns of conflict of interest.

Police spokesperson, Brigadier Athlenda Mathe, declined to respond to specific questions sent to her regarding the matter. She said people should come forward and depose affidavits.

“If there are allegations of corruption and nepotism, those in possession of such information must do the right thing by filing an affidavit and reporting to the relevant authorities,” she said.

General Shadrack Sibiya is no stranger to controversy. Once a celebrated Hawks investigator, he was suspended in 2015 over the so-called “Zimbabwe renditions” saga. Though cleared, the episode left him politically scarred.

Today, as deputy national commissioner and from his time as head of Crime Intelligence, Sibiya has cast himself as a corruption-buster willing to take on the establishment. Insiders credit him with reviving stalled intelligence operations. He was central to the collection of political killing task team dockets from KwaZulu-Natal to the national level, which have also been at the heart of the current impasse in the police’s top brass.

Sources within the SAPS have credited the move as the reason why there was movement in some of the matters.

“General Sibiya’s team took the files and had them for four months and started making headway. It became problematic when the team was starting to look into individuals who are politically connected and also have ties to senior police officers in KZN. The files were in KZN for over eight years with very little movement but they were demanded after only four months of them being at the national level, which should tell you something,” said a police officer speaking on the condition of anonymity.

But critics have accused Sibiya of running the police like a private fiefdom, selectively deploying leaks to discredit rivals and aligning with political camps that wanted Masemola ousted.

“The real question is whether his corruption fight is genuine or just a weapon in a bigger campaign.”

The court last week ruled against Sibiya when he challenged his stay-at-home instruction from Masemola.

The Gauteng High Court in Pretoria ruled that the stay-at-home order issued by Masemola was suitable, necessary and reasonable under the circumstances.

In a 34-page judgment, penned by Judge Norman Davis, the court said the argument by Sibiya’s counsel that the stay-at-home order is a disguised precautionary suspension is not supported by the facts. Judge Davis said the instruction to stay at home was not unlawful.

Sibiya turned to court for an urgent order to return to work after being forced to stay at home, pending an investigation and to interdict Masemola from instituting a process parallel to the judicial commission of inquiry into criminality, political interference, and corruption in the criminal justice system.

Sibiya had asked the court for an order declaring that Masemola’s decision to direct him to “stay at home, pending an investigation” unlawful and for it to be set aside.

It was argued on his behalf that Masemola had no power to issue the stay-at-home order as this is not provided for in the SAPS discipline regulations. But Judge Davis said it’s clear that at the time the commissioner gave the order, he did not purport to act in terms of the discipline regulations.

It was also found that Sibiya does not have the right to have disciplinary proceedings against him halted or suspended. “The right which the applicant seeks to assert is a self-constructed right,” Judge Davis said.

He added that Sibiya misconstrues the nature of the commission. Although the commission can, at the end of its investigation, make recommendations to the president, it is neither a court nor a disciplinary tribunal. Following that ruling, Sibiya was placed on suspension on Thursday. According to the two-page notice of suspension letter, signed by Masemola, which this publication has seen, Sibiya is suspended in terms of Regulation 10 (03) of the South African Police Service Discipline Regulations, 2016, with effect from September 11, 2025.

Into this storm steps Lieutenant General Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi, the hard-charging KwaZulu-Natal commissioner. He has played whistleblower before, famously clashing with Bheki Cele during his brief stint as acting national commissioner in 2011.

In July this year, he detonated the latest bombshell. In a televised briefing, Mkhwanazi accused Police Minister Senzo Mchunu of:

The allegations forced President Cyril Ramaphosa to suspend Mchunu pending the inquiry.

Yet Mkhwanazi is no saint. Critics accuse him of brutality in policing protests, political bias in provincial appointments, and bypassing procurement rules during his earlier stint as acting commissioner. “He paints himself as incorruptible, but his record tells a more complicated story,” said a police source.

During his briefing, he told South Africans that police should never be friends with criminals. He made this statement in reference to a senior Hawks member being in contact with the alleged mastermind of renowned South African musician Dj Sumbody’s murder, Katiso “Kat” Molefe.

That statement has also rattled a few cages, with some within the force accusing him of doing that.

“It’s problematic for the general to say this because he has been in places and functions with some people who have been accused of carrying out the killings in KwaZulu-Natal,” said the officer.

Among the names the officer revealed during a sit-down interview was Businessman and chairperson of Umkhanyakude Business Forum, Nkosibeyiphika Elijah Mkhwanazi, who was arrested and charged with three others for the murder of IFP member and businessman Thelumusa Mahlaba and the murder of IFP member and businessman Siyabonga Sizwe “Sizuzalo” Mthiyane. He was arrested in 2023.

The officer claimed the suspect frequented high end parties where senior politicians, government officials and police members, including LT-General Mkhwanazi, were also in attendance.

Investigations of the political killings revealed that the most affected political parties are the ANC, Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) and National Freedom Party (NFP). Of the 52 councillor murder cases, 31 were ANC, 14 were IFP, four were NFP, two were from the Economic Freedom Fighters, and one was from the African Christian Democratic Party.
A further 103 officials working within municipalities as political office bearers and officials in political offices have been killed as well.

The Madlanga Commission will be asked to unravel overlapping flashpoints that have paralysed SAPS leadership:

The dysfunction is not new. Jackie Selebi’s corruption conviction, Riah Phiyega’s disastrous Marikana legacy, and the bruising Sitole–Cele battles all left SAPS bloodied. Each time, commissions promised reform. Each time, the culture of factionalism and political interference endured.

“The police have been a battlefield for ANC factional wars since 1994,” argued one officer. “Appointments are not about competence but loyalty, and the public pays the price.”

For Masemola, the commission could end his career or clear him of festering allegations.

For Sibiya, it is a chance to prove he is more than an ambitious pretender or to be exposed as one.

For Mkhwanazi, it is a gamble that his whistleblowing will be seen as courage, not opportunism.

But for ordinary South Africans, the stakes are survival. “We already don’t trust the police,” said a Soweto CPF leader. “If this commission doesn’t hold people accountable, then we’re on our own.

Justice Madlanga has six months to produce answers. His terms of reference include:

He has promised transparency, with key hearings open to the public.

“The rot at SAPS has never been so visible,” said a veteran police officer. “If Madlanga fails, the damage will not just be reputational. It will be existential. Communities will lose all faith.”